National Education Policy: The Issues Unaddressed

 

This paper was presented at the Silver Jubilee Conference of the Association of Indian College Principals held in Goa -February 10-11,2023

National Education Policy: The Issues Unaddressed

The Government of India announced a National Education Policy (NEP) on 29 July 2020.  The policy document, couched in a language of what ought to be, ignored the ground reality, and not addressed the fundamental issues plaguing the Indian education system. The six fundamental issues in education that are not addressed.

 

Issue 1: School Education

 

The NEP seeks to replace the present 10+2 system by 5+3+3+4 for the children in the age group of 3-18 years.  As per the NEP, the 'fundational stage' consists of 5 years between 3-8 years, incliuding 3 years of pre-school education and 2 years of early primary eduation i.e.. Class I and II.  Now the three years pre-schooling is made formal.   With nearly fifty percent of teaching posts vacant in public schools in many states,the question to be asked is: who will fund this 'foundational stage' edcuation and who will teach the tiny- tots?  Whose responsibility is it? If the first five years ‘foundational stage’ is left to the commercial private players, it will seriously affect the mental development of tender children, besides affecting the thrust and qulaity of teaching. Whether it is desirable to expose the children of 3 years to such a grueling process is a matter of debate, the Indian school system being so awful. One out of four teachers is absent in government schools and one in two is not teaching.  Nearly half the students in Class 5 are unable to read Class 2 text and do simple divisions. Most of public schools run by Panchayat Institutions and Municipal bodies do not have even basic facilities such as class rooms and benches, drinking water, toilets for girls and boys.  A large number of poor parents are withdrawing their children from government schools, where education is free, and enrolling them in private schools, spending their hard meagre earnings on their children’s education. This is a bad reflection on the India State of failing to provide quality basic education- a constitutional obligation- even after 75 years of independence, to the poor children who need it the most.

 

The craze for English medium schools is making the public schools redundant, with a massive 20.4 million children leaving the government schools and joining private schools between 2011 and 2018, resulting in mushrooming of sub-standard private schools across the country.  And unless the State takes the responsibility of providing free and compulsory quality

education up to secondary stage, the children of poor and marginalized will never receive

good education, the children having no future. A good school education is a sine qua non for sound higher education.  The thee-language formula is flouted by the states, by giving undue importance to the state languages and neglecting Hindi and English. Consequently, children are doing badly in higher education and losing out in employment market eventually. If the mother tongue is the medium of instruction, it will make the inter-state mobility of children difficult.

 

Issue 2: Higher Education

 

The NEP promises “to ensure holistic, and multidisciplinary education through the flexibility of subjects” and raise the GER from 26% to 50 % in higher education by 2035, adding 30.5 million seats. But who will fund the institutions which are likely to grow? It is a utopian idea to assume the charitable philanthropists would come forward and set the educational institutions with a motto of ‘no profit’.  There are about 1,000 universities and more than 51,000 colleges in the country with almost 50% teaching posts vacant. 

 

The academic autonomy of universities has eroded, with the people leaning towards a particular political ideology being appointed to top academic-administrative positions. The freedom of academic expression and intellectual growth are stifled. As Pratap Bhanu Mehta rightly observes, “the emphasis in the document on critical thinking and free inquiry is well placed. But it is difficult to read those words in a context, where universities are being intimidated into political and cultural conformity. A free education system cannot flourish without a free society…”   The NEP recognizes “vibrant campus life is essential for high-quality teaching learning processes.” However, the recent developments in premier universities-JNU, Hyderabad, Jamia, AMU and Jadavpur - are an indication the campus space to nurture critical thought, political argument and debate is increasingly embattled. And the proposal to permit selected top 100 universities in the world to operate in India will knockout the native marginal universities, with students being crazy about acquiring degrees from foreign universities. In 2018, according to the Ministry of External Affairs, some 752,725 Indian students were studying abroad, predominantly in the US, Canada, the UK and Australia, but also increasingly in the UAE and China. 

 

Today, the Indian students are the largest in the US and the UK, constituting 20% of international students. And most of the academic programmes the UGC and the Education Ministry churning out are benefiting mostly urban rich and affluent sections most of whom look for first opportunity to migrate abroad to pursue higher studies and even settle there. Indian students contribute 5.9 million US dollars to the US economy through expenses (TOI 15/11/22). Why are the Indian students not willing to study in their country?  

 

Institutions of higher learning, due to loss of academic autonomy and centralization of decision making, have been incapacitated to innovate and discover new frontiers of knowledge. As Professor Michael Polanyi argues “academic freedom is a fundamental necessity for production of true knowledge.”  Critical thinking is the core of academic freedom both for teachers and students, that is the right to question and reflect on their own knowledge and information presented to them, without inviting institutional censorship.  The critical thinking is necessary for self-realization.

 

And the decline of public institutions has contributed to downgrading the teaching profession.  It is the public Institutions, where the academic freedom flourished, that produced five Presidents of India- Radhakrishnan, Zakir Hussain, Shankar Danyal Sharma, Abdul Kalam and Pranab Mukherjee- and the noble laureates Amartya Sen and Abhijit Banerjee- all teachers.

 

Issue 3: Privatization

 

Indiscriminate privatization of education is a major issue.   As per the Global Education Monitoring Report of UNESCO ,2022, out of every 10 schools established in the past eight years in India ,7 are private schools. The report says, “inadequate supply and quality of public education have driven private education growth in India… 73% of parents in India chose private schools because public schools did not meet quality standards” (TOI 13/11/22). The report warns that expanding access to duration through non-state provision is inequitable. Since 2014, 67,000 schools, out 97,000 established, were private and unaided. 

 

The fee charged by the private institutions is so exorbitant that the weaker sections cannot afford.  The NEP says “the fee will be fixed within the regulatory framework and no extra fee will be charged beyond the cap”. This is more said than done. The unaided private institutions charge high fee to meet huge salary bills. Their problem is two- fold: Most of them find it difficult to pay the salary to teachers on par with those in public institutions. And if they charge high fee, the education becomes inaccessible and unaffordable to the poor and the weaker sections. That is how higher education is increasingly becoming an exclusive domain of the rich and privileged.

 

It is an open secret that private professional institutions take huge capitation fee running into lacks and even crores of rupees, all unaccounted.  To-day over 60% of higher educational institutions in India is controlled by private players. And many of them are not reputed for providing quality education. As per 2017 report of the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India, only 20% students from business schools land jobs. About 67% graduates are from private institutions. They incur debt to complete their higher education. However, with low rate of employability, many of them are unable to pay back the loans, the burden falling on their parents ultimately.

 

The disparity in pay scales and terms and conditions of services of teachers is very huge in private institutions vis-a-vis aided institutions.  It is important the private players are confined to    selected professional courses. And the degree courses in Science and Liberal Arts and Humanities- the core subjects of real learning- should be funded by the State so that the higher education, which is an instrument of social upliftment, is accessible and affordable to all, particularly the marginalized.

 

The technical and market-oriented courses provide no real education; do not provide platform for critical thinking.  Even in academic seminars and conferences, there is no free exchange of views and ideas and the participants are told not to speak on issues that antagonize the establishment.  When the learning and thought processes are conditioned and controlled, the human mind cannot grow and evolve. And conforming to the system and blindly accepting what authorities decide is a sign of serfdom and negation of human evolution.  While academic freedom was critical to the vision of university system earlier, it is now increasingly devalued in favor of administrative centralization and political control, with Heads of Institutions preferring silence, not wanting to displease the authorities.

Issue 4: Educational Divide

 The education system in India is marred by gross inequalities in terms of access, completion and quality. Class, linguistic background, gender, ethnicity and place of birth- all have impacted the education system. These, in turn, contribute to inequality in acquisition of knowledge, accompanied by massive poverty, discrimination and regional disparities.  Marginalized sections are denied access to quality education, due to rapid decline in public institutions and increasing privatization-from the primary to higher- suppressing their social and economic mobility.

The Educational Divide in India is three-fold:

First, the private schools which used to cater to the needs of the better off now target the poor and squeeze their meagre earnings. The entry of private players has resulted in unqualified persons and non-state players getting involved in the foundational literacy programme, particularly at the village level, compromising seriously with the quality of instruction, dispensing with the requirement of qualified trained teachers that the government is expected to employee.

Second, the Rural-Urban and Gender Divide. According to the ASER, 5.5% rural children are not enrolled in schools in 2020. The difference is the sharpest among the youngest children (6-10 years) where 5.3% rural children have not enrolled in schools in 2020, compared to just 1.8% in 2018. Around 300 million children are reported to be out of schools in India due to the pandemic. The poor children are deprived of midday meals, which have been an incentive to make them attend schools, resulting in increase in dropout of children from schools.  The boys and girls in country side are now more involved in assisting their parents in manual work and doing house hold chores and are unlikely to return to formal schooling. The unholy trinity of patriarchy, poverty and pandemic has led to a surge in child marriage. There has been a clear link between keeping girls in schools and delaying their marriage. That link is now broken.  And online education means an end to girls’ education in rural areas, with in-class learning shuttered, girls are forced to drop out from schools.

And third, the Digital Divide. The indiscriminate privatisation of education at all levels, has already divided the school and college going children into haves and have-nots, making good quality education more a privilege of the rich and the affluent.  Now the digital divide has sharpened the divide between the poor and the rich and the rural-urban children. Online education is no real education; it is killing the formal education system. As per the ASER 2020, only one in ten households in India has a computer- desktop, laptop or tablet- with most of the internet enabled homes being located in cities, which have 42% internet access; while in rural India, just 15% are connected to the internet. The latest UNICEF data reveals, only one in four children has access to digital devices and internet connectivity in India, and there is a large rural-urban and gender divide. Then what is this hullabaloo about the online education?

                                                       Issue 5: Commercialisation

 The NEP will only exhilarate privatization and commercialisation of education.  It is ironical that in a country with a massive poor and backward population the State should allow commercialization of education. The commercialization is a natural corollary of privatization. Education has become a means to squeeze money from the poor and the deprived. The self-financing courses in higher education have become profit making commercial ventures, resulting in exploitation of teachers and compromising on the quality of education. Teachers are hired and fired at will. They are employed on contract. There is no security of service, many states pay pittance to teachers.  The courses offered cater to the needs of market driven economy.  There is hardly any real learning about the challenges and vicissitudes of life, the holistic education going for a toss.  The NEP says “multiple mechanisms with checks and balances will combat and stop the commercialization of higher education.”  But how!

 

The parents, keen on their children taking coaching for JEE, NEET, and now CUET etc. rather than ’waste’ time in a regular classroom, are enrolling them in dummy institutions. A large number of students are enrolling in ‘dummy schools’- a euphemism for schools that do not require physical presence, but instead allow them to spend time for coaching in competitive examinations like engineering, medicine, CUET and the like, undermining or making the school system redundant. Some schools have found a novel method of surviving by collaborating with prominent coaching institutes.

 

Today, Kota is a coaching factory for students. It is driving students to suicide, unable to cope up with the stress levels This year some 14 students have committed suicide in Kota. The education system is responsible for mushrooming of coaching centres. Professor Avijjt Pathak, who taught sociology at the JNU, says we should ‘strive for and initiate a social movement to rescue education from the psychic/pedagogic/ethical decadence, the Kota symbolises…as teachers we ought to introspect and open the windows of consciousness of young students…as parents, we ought to ask ourselves some uncomfortable questions. Are we ready to realise that our children are not investments...we must make the political class accountable. Our children are suffering, government schools, colleges and universities are in steady decline with the management quota and capitation fee, private medica/engineering colleges are further exploiting the anxiety-ridden and ambitious parents, and there is no sincere effort to create job opportunities in diverse fields.” (IE,17/12/22)

 

Issue 6: State Funding

 

 Even in the advanced countries like USA, Germany and Japan, the budget allocation for higher education is between 10% and 15% of GDP. But in a backward India education is not a priority. The Union Budget 2020-21 has allocated a paltry 0.7% to States for the Rastriya Uchchatar Shiksha Abhiyaan. The NEP emphasizes the “Centre and the States will work together to increase the public investment in the Education sector to reach 6% of GDP.” This is what the Kothari Education Commission recommended way back in 1966.

 

However, the expenditure on higher education, the Centre and states taken together, nosedived from 0.86% of GDP in 2010-11 to a measly 0.52% in 2019-20.  And the Centre’s expenditure on higher edition dropped from 0.33% of GDP to a mere 0.16%. This is despite the Centre’s revenue increasing three times from Rs.7.5 lakh crore in 2011-12 to more than Rs.22 lakh crore in 2019-20, and the total receipts from Rs.13.07 lakh crore to Rs.33.44 lakh core in 2022-23. As a percentage of the total receipt, the allocation for higher education fell from 1.49% to 1.04% during the corresponding period (The Hindu 6/9/22).

 

The budget allocation for education should not be less than 10% of GDP both in the Union and State budgets. Otherwise, all the high platitudes of “access, equity, quality, affordability and accountability”, as the NEP document exalts, will remain only on paper.


We need to understand India’s hugely diverse social structure rather than aping the West and making cosmetic changes.  What Indian education system needs urgently is: (i) massive funding by the Centre and the States;(ii) arresting the indiscriminate privatization and commercialization;  (iii)stopping the exodus of poor children from government schools by improving basic infrastructure and raising standards of these schools- elevating to the level of Kendriya Vidyalayas;(iv) restoring academic autonomy of institutions of higher learning; (v) recognizing the importance  of public universities and stopping their downsizing;(vi) ensuring non-discriminatory service conditions for teachers both in public and  private institutions; (vii) providing an effective credible supervision and control mechanism and (viii) a non-corrupt competent transparent academic-administrative structure so as to make education universally accessible and affordable. All else is secondary.  



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